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Totally Speechless-The Bastard Child / Children of War - Theatrical Trailer

8:28 PM
The film is based on the Bangladesh genocide where thousands of women were raped and the resulting illegitimate children during the war for the liberation of Bangladesh. The film depicts the 9 months of inhuman attacks of the Pakistani army during the Genocide that took place in East Pakistan in 1971 and the struggle of the Bangladeshis to attain independence from these atrocities.


Directed by Mrityunjay Devvrat and Produced by Soumya Devvrat, the film has notable stars like Raima Sen, Indraneil Sengupta, Farooq Sheikh, Tillotama Shome and Victor Banerjee, among others.

THE DEMONIZATION OF KEJRIWAL – HAS THE MEDIA GOT IT ALL WRONG?

9:16 PM
er the last few months Kejriwal and his AAP have turned the spotlight on a number of fundamental issues: one of the most important of them, which has not received the scrutiny it deserves, is the attitude of the mainstream media-primarily the elitist, English language TV channels and print media- towards the Aam Aadmi party and some of its leaders.
Their approach has progressed through the full range of journalistic hysteria- from contempt, scepticism, grudging acceptance, demanding, outrage, to outright condemnation ( the current phase).
During this tortuous journey the media has also exposed the full range of its deficiencies, from elitist bias to ignorance, disconnect, arrogance and perhaps cupidity.
The media has never accepted Kejriwal.
 
  • It initially dismissed him as a charlatan and fraud and even dug into his IRS past (without success) to find material (the study leave issue, dues to govt.) to discredit him.
  • It deliberately created a rift between him and Anna Hazare by over-emphasising their different paths.
  • It churned out opinion polls ( of toilet paper utility) that could only prejudice his electoral prospects.
  • It grudgingly accepted his political and moral ascendance in Delhi after the elections but quickly recouped its forces, joined ranks with all other political parties and unleashed a blitzkrieg against him that continues unabated till today.
AAP Supporters Post Delhi ElectionsI am not talking of legitimate criticism and careful analysis, which is the reason the press exists, but of which we have seen little these last few months. I am talking of misinformation, misinterpretation, highlighting issues which support only a pre-conceived thesis and blacking out others, giving a slant to the reporting, shouting down contrary views, distorting the facts and making connections where none exist, regurgitating half digested news. (To be fair to this section of the media, they have done this to others also-the shocking manner in which the OB vans and the anchors wormed their way into the Sunanda Pushkar case, like maggots, and laid bare before the nation all kinds of nonsensical theories- murder, ISI plot, Dubai connection, IPL connection( they showed Subramaniam Swamy making this charge on TV), Sashi Tharoor’s culpability on charges of abetment to suicide,all without any verification- would make anyone want to throw up.
Those anchors have  all shut up now that all those bestial theories have been disproved, and (without so much as a ” sorry” to Mr. Tharoor) turned their undivided malevolent attention back to Kejriwal.

Delhi govt decides to shift millenium bus depot

6:44 PM
Every passing day, I feel more and more how no other government comes anywhere close. Yes, they have their shortcomings. Yes, they have made some mistakes.

The most important factor, though, is their willingness to learn. Its their intent. Administration can be learnt. Intention cannot.


Why I picked Amethi: AAP's Kumar Vishwas

7:08 PM

Rise of AAP is bad news for Modi, BJP? Think again

11:31 AM
Is the rise of the Aam Admi Party bad news for the Bharatiya Janata Party or good? There are two ways of looking at this, and it isn't clear which one will prevail in April-May's general election. The first is to see the AAP as a party of anger that collects votes against the establishment and cuts into the votes of the opposition. The establishment is the Congress and the votes taken away are those of the BJP. This is what happened in Delhi, where AAP dethroned the Congress and ate into enough of the BJP's votes to deny them victory. It is important to note here that the BJP in Delhi actually won a plurality of both the votes and the seats, though it could not win a majority. But should this pattern repeat across India's large and mid-sized cities, it is possible that the BJP will be denied nationally in the same manner it was in Delhi. AFP. The other way of looking at it is to see the underlying sentiment that has propelled the rise of the AAP. What the party has achieved is quite remarkable, the first victory by a party completely independent of a caste base, in north India. What were the issues on which it won votes? It is thought that these were such things as corruption in public life and inefficient government. Let us assume this is the case, even though there are other views on this. For instance, Union minister for agriculture Sharad Pawar thinks the AAP's supporters were also those who voted in favour of corruption (by responding to promises of 'regularising' their illegal colonies), and undermining the state's efficiency and finances (by responding to promises of free power and free water). It is difficult to accept, certainly for those outside Delhi, that the AAP is seen as by most Indians as some sort of silver bullet to kill corruption and slipshod governance. The BJP's prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi is the man who attracts much and probably most of this vote. The AAP wants its voters to see him in the same way as the Congress, and they keep saying that the Congress and the BJP are "two sides of the same coin". However that's not how it was seen in Delhi, where the BJP voteshare dropped just under two per cent. It is the anti-Congress votes the party was expecting that were taken away from it. Is AAP placed to take these away in other places? Delhi may not be a one-off for the AAP, but it does not have the time to get its act together on hundreds of Lok Sabha seats across two and a half dozen states. Its great lessons in Delhi may well be replicable, especially those for fund-raising and selecting candidates. But putting out a national campaign will need more resources and certainly more time than this brave little party has. The other thing is - how many seats does it need to cheat the BJP of a win? Or how much of the vote does it need to draw away to produce the same result even without winning many seats? The Congress won just under 12 crore votes in 2009, while the BJP won 7.84 crore. That was about half the total vote (Congress got over 28 per cent and BJP over 18 per cent). Both parties, in particular the BJP, are missing from some major states, like Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. To put this in perspective, the AAP got 25 lakh votes in the Delhi elections. This is admirable and, as I have accepted, quite unprecedented, but it also shows how gigantic the task is. My view is that the BJP's presence in major states and its superior organisational capacity should be able to easily convert those attracted to the siren call of Modi. And that the AAP will trouble the BJP in the Lok Sabha elections much less than it did in Delhi.

Read more at: http://www.firstpost.com/blogs/rise-of-aap-is-bad-news-for-modi-bjp-think-again-1335517.html?utm_source=ref_article

Will AAP turn out to be the party pooper in UP?

5:33 PM
By: A K Verma


The resurgence of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), leading to government formation in Delhi, has added one more variable to politics in Uttar Pradesh, especially as some of its top leaders are contemplating challenging Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi from Raebareilly and Amethi. AAP damaged the Congress. It also hurt the BJP that failed to get majority in Delhi.

That must worry Narendra Modi and BJP as many voters in UP, who would have otherwise v ..

This must worry BJP as many voters in UP, who would have otherwise voted for the BJP, may now contemplate giving AAP a role in national politics too.

Googlization of Indian Election Process and Legal Challenges

5:28 PM
Public domain reports that Internet giant Google made a formal presentation to the Election Commission proposing a tie-up with it for voter facilitation services ahead of Lok Sabha elections. It has been reported that in its presentation before the EC, Google proposed providing its search engines free of cost to Indian voters during the 2014 general elections, as also proposed free online voter registration besides making available vital details of Voter EPIC card numbers and polling station location.

Given this significant development, it becomes pertinent to examine the legal challenges facing the potential Googlization Of Indian Election Process.

Tying up with a foreign intermediary like Google has legal ramifications on India’s security, integrity and sovereignty as also its cyber security.

Post Snowden, this kind of proposed tie-up assumes tremendous significance as this tie-up suddenly could makes India’s online voter registration data amenable to jurisdiction of US authorities including NSA. One report suggests that NSA has taken more than 6.2 billion bits of data from India in one month unauthorizedly. The proposed tieup could throw up a scenario where Indian electoral data is going to be allowed to leave territorial boundaries of India and be resident on servers of a company, that is known to be data driven company that has no respect for any privacy and whose Chief Evangelist Vint Cerf himself stated that privacy may be more of an anomaly.

The Election Commission of India is a statutory authority appointed under the Indian Constitution. It has duty bound to uphold the principles of the Constitution. It also has to do all things not just to protect and serve the ideals of the Indian Constitution but also to ensure that the Indian Constitution is not in any way subverted.

The Indian Constitution has granted fundamental rights to its citizens including the right to life. The right to life includes the right to live life with human dignity. The right of your election registration data not to be revealed to another person is part of the implicit right detailed under Article 21 of the Constitution of India under the fundamental right of life and privacy. Any kind of action which leads to unauthorized disclosure or dissemination of voter registration information would be in gross violation of Article 21 of the Constitution of India.

Another important thing to consider is, whether Google as an intermediary has complied with the Indian Information Technology Act, 2000 as also rules and regulations made thereunder, including the Information Technology Rules, 2011.

The Election Commission of India has to recognize its own capacity as an intermediary under the Information Technology Act, 2000. That being so, EC is itself mandated to exercise due diligence while discharging its obligations under the Indian cyberlaw.

Google has made a mammoth empire based on data. This kind of election registration data could be extremely significant for a variety of data analytics and related activities which could also then be monetized for strategic, commercial and other reasons.

Given the proposed tieup, the focus of attention has to be on what kinds of safeguards need to be taken as to ensure that the abuse or unauthorized access to such voter registration data of Indian voters for General Elections 2014 does not take place.

Seen from another perspective, Election Commission of India today is dealing with large amount of electoral data in the electronic form. This electoral data of the Election Commission of India is part of India’s Critical Information Infrastructure, which need to be appropriately protected.

With the coming of the Indian National Cyber Security Policy, it becomes imperative that constitutional authorities like the Election Commission of India comply with its objective and principles. All constitutional authorities in India are under obligation to ensure that they do not do any activity in the electronic and digital ecosystem which could have an impact upon India’s sovereignty, integrity and security.

India as a nation has to realize that one of the most effective ways of weakening India as a nation could be to target Indian democracy. Only in being duly diligent, being secure and constantly alert about various ramifications does the path lie for India to protect its sovereign interests in cyberspace.

pavanduggal.jpg

The author Pavan Duggal is Asia’s and India’s leading Cyberlaw expert and authority and a practicing Advocate, Supreme Court of India. He can be contacted at his email addresses pduggal@vsnl.com and pavanduggal@yahoo.com.

Beheading bad ideas: Food, power & other non-merit subsidies are pro-rich

5:26 PM
I don’t know how many people have actually read Sir Thomas More’s 1516 “Utopia”. It wasn’t just a welfare State, it was more like a communist (not socialist) State, with no private property, centralized planning and free food, health and education. Sir Thomas More’s reasons for writing “Utopia” are unclear. No doubt part of the reason was satirical. But in common parlance, “Utopian” has come to mean an ideal society that one can dream about. It isn’t realistic. For reasons that had nothing to do with “Utopia”, Thomas More was beheaded in 1535. Unfortunately, those ideas don’t die down, even though Sir Thomas More didn’t intend them seriously. Those ideas aren’t beheaded. If Utopia is ideal, its antithesis is Dystopia. In the first recorded use of the word dystopian, John Stuart Mill said, “It is, perhaps, too complimentary to call them Utopians, they ought rather to be called dystopians or, cacotopians. What is commonly called Utopian is something too good to be practicable; but what they appear to favour is too bad to be practicable.” This doesn’t mean bad ideas aren’t sought to be practiced and certainly, in the case of India, they are practiced in the name of the poor.

I think of it in the following way. Let’s use data from 2001 Census. Comparable data for 2011 Census aren’t yet available. There were 593,615 villages. 45,276 had populations less than 100, 46,276 had population sizes between 100 and 199 and 127,511 had populations between 200 and 499. We say that 68.71% of India’s population lives in rural India, suggesting that it is bad thing. We are almost normative about it. There are indeed reasons, since urbanization is correlated with economic development. However, 18% of US population also lives in rural United States and we aren’t normative about that. There are indeed issues about Census definitions of “rural” and “urban”. But that apart, the reason we aren’t normative about “rural” in developed societies is because “rural” in developed economies doesn’t connote an absence of physical and social infrastructure. Contrast that with those villages with population sizes less than 499. They have no physical or social infrastructure worth the name, despite six decades and more after Independence. As development proceeds, for various reasons, some of those villages disappear. But till then, I would interpret “inclusive growth” as delivering physical and social infrastructure there. Whether we like it or not, there are opportunity costs of resources. Something that is spent on subsidies cannot be spent elsewhere.

There is quite a bit of research, not just on PDS, on a pro-urban bias in India’s subsidy culture. Without getting into the niceties of that debate, and there is quite a volume of literature, the point I wish to make is different. Milovan Dilas wrote about a “new class” in communist countries, the Russian word being nomenklatura. That expression wasn’t primarily about subsidies. However, despite urban poor also existing, subsidies in India aren’t what the poor, rural or urban, truly get. Beneficiaries are richer sections, the so-called middle class. There are different ways to classify subsidies, explicit and implicit, producer and consumer, merit and non-merit. The merit subsidies have positive externalities, so that they are in some sense, desirable. Think of the non-merit subsidies – food, fertilizer, petroleum products, power, road transport. In these too, there is a pronounced pro-rich bias. Every rupee that is spent on non-merit subsidies is a rupee that could have been spent on merit subsidies, or on providing physical and social infrastructure. Stated differently, such non-merit subsidies benefit the nomenklatura, which is the reason they demand it in the name of the poor, knowing fully well that the poor won’t benefit.

There is evidence for this in other countries and there is evidence for this in India too. We have been down that route several times since Independence. It hasn’t worked. But we don’t learn, or don’t wish to. Bad ideas don’t get beheaded.

Policy Puzzles

Bibek Debroy
Writer:  BIBEK DEBROY

Stop wasting government money

9:38 AM
Click here to read full article
 
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